War On Poverty

When the first poverty census was done in 1959, the poverty rate was at 22.3%. There was rapid decline until 1973, when the poverty rate was down to 11.1%, however that is the lowest it has been since the census began. The decline was partly due to ‘War on Poverty’ programs that began in 1964 under the order of President Johnson, which began with the Social Security Amendments of 1965 that created Medicare and Medicaid. These programs gave widows, disabled citizens, college students, and retirees better Social Security benefits. The Food Stamp Act of 1964 was also ratified then, permanizing the food stamps program which was only a sort of test run at that point in time. Following that was the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964, which created the VISTA program, the Job Corps, and a host of other initiatives. This act was established in conjunction with the Office of Economic Opportunity, which was a new section of the White House dedicated to the war on poverty. The last major act was the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965, creating the Title I program that send impoverished students to subsidized school districts. However, there have been few, if any, efforts similar in magnitude since then, which is why the national poverty rate has not decreased over the past 45 years.

The most obvious and observable way poverty affects American citizens is physically. From an unhealthy pregnancy to the end of a shorter life, impoverished Americans are constantly disadvantaged. In fact, data collected between 1999 and 2014 from 1.4 billion citizens of varying economic backgrounds showed that the life expectancy difference between the poorest and wealthiest Americans was up to 15 years on average (Chetty 2016). There was also a correlation found between income and birth weight, which indicated that lower income leads to lower birth weight, likely caused by malnutrition. A low birth weight can put a child at risk of a very long list of health and developmental issues. In addition to malnutrition, the rate of obesity is actually higher for impoverished Americans than those more well off. Dr. Benard Dreyer, president of the American Academy of Pediatrics, says, “The answer is pretty simple…the cheapest food you can buy is usually empty calories – high-calorie, high-fat food” (Dreyer 2016). He goes on to explain that a lot of impoverished people live in what are known as ‘food deserts’; they live in areas with little to no access to fresh vegetables, but with plenty of fast food.

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What makes the issue even worse according to Dr. Dreyer is that “people are hungry, and when they get food, they are going to try to eat a lot of it” (Dreyer 2016). A study done by Harvard in 2013 found that eating healthier food costs about $1.50 per day (about $550 per year) per person. While that may not sound like an outrageous amount, it is worth noting that the highest amount of money a family of four in poverty could make annually that year and still be considered impoverished was $23,550. For that family of four to eat healthier for a year, it would cost $2,200 – almost 10% of their entire income. On top of all of these terrible realities, when there is simply not enough for families to eat, parents will skip meals altogether so that they can feed their kids. In impoverished neighborhoods, infrastructure is poorly maintained, if it is maintained at all. Dr. James Duffee, a community pediatrician, states that “as the infrastructure deteriorates, lead is released in some of the older pipes. There’s no safe level of lead exposure” (Duffee 2016). Lead exposure can cause lifelong damage to the body and to the brain that is irreparable. Dental coverage is also considered quite a luxury in impoverished communities, leading to a significant increase in cavities in terms of frequency and severity alike, particularly in children. Similarly, vision coverage is hard to come by, and if someone is lucky enough to get glasses in the first place, if they break them, it is very unlikely that they can afford to replace them. This can have a negative impact on adults’ job performance and kids’ education.

The part of the body affected the worst by poverty is the brain. The human brain is regarded as the most complex thing in the world, yet its basic needs are very simple. It was first proven that poverty negatively affects the development of the brain in the 1960s when a group of researches traveled to rural Guatemala. There, they gave nutritional supplements to families with young children. The children who received them grew one or two centimeters taller, scored higher on tests as teenagers, and eventually completed more education and had higher incomes than the children who did not. After this initial research proved the theory, other scientists began to investigate as well. In 2000, Charles Nelson, a pediatric neuroscientist, began tracking brain development in children who had grown up in orphanages. What he found was that there were physical signs in the brain of emotional neglect. “MRIs showed that by the age of eight, they had smaller regions of gray and white matter associated with attention and language than did children raised by their biological families” (Storss 2017). Even though these kids had proper nutrition, they faced deficits of attention, social interaction, and emotional support. This kind of psychological poverty can have a terrible effect on kids. In fact, Nelson did a similar study on a group of young children who were provided with emotional support, social wellness, and attention, however they have had inadequate nutrition and sanitation. After doing MRI scans on the children’s brains, he found similar volumes of gray matter in the brain. Dr. Nelson said that the differences between children growing up in poverty and children not were “remarkably bad”. Just as serious as the physical effects on the brain are the psychological effects. The ones you cannot always see with an MRI.

The difference in mental health between the rich and the poor is staggering. In 2017, it was reported that 8.7% of people below the poverty line had serious psychological distress between 2009 and 2013. For that same period of time, only 1.2% of those living 4 times above the poverty line reported similar distress. A lot of these people who have mental illnesses also have children in their homes, who are then susceptible to toxic stress. Toxic stress can be caused by seeing violence in the home, abuse, and neglect, and can inhibit brain development and lead to mental illness. Adults with mental illness also struggle to acquire and retain a good job, and without a job, it is virtually impossible to get psychiatric treatment. So now you have an adult who is mentally ill, cannot help themselves or their child, their child grows up to be mentally ill and unable to hold a job, then they cannot help themselves or their children, and the cycle continues like so. As one would assume, access to insurance generally leads to better mental health, so the Affordable Care Act was put in place to help get more people insurance and require insurance companies to cover more mental health. However, many people still struggle with out of pocket costs and finding places that will accept their insurance, causing the National Alliance on Mental Illness to put the spotlight on the government to do more to provide mental health care to all Americans.

Childhood poverty not only affects the wellness of children, but it affects their futures too. A study done from 2008 to 2011 showed a 12.4% difference in earnings of teenagers age 13-15 years old who grew up poor and the same range of teens who grew up rich, showing that “poverty increases the likelihood of being at the bottom of the income distribution and decreases the likelihood of being at the top of the income distribution” (Lesner 2018). With results from the same study, it was found that “one additional year of childhood poverty reduces the duration of schooling…by about two months” (Lesner 2018). This correlation of more time spent in poverty equating to less education causes people who grew up in poverty to have lower earnings lower success rates. It was also discovered that having been impoverished as a child increases the likelihood of someone taking a shorter and more gender-segregated route of education, causing a lower high-school GPA and a lower level of skill formation.

This worse education leads to lower earnings, lower labor market attachment, worse jobs financially, and worse positions within companies. Childhood poverty is also “found to have negative consequences for the probability of marriage, cohabitation, and having children” (Lesner 2018). Those with lower incomes tend to be less attractive than those with higher incomes, and individuals who experienced childhood poverty are more likely to pursue more gender-segregated jobs, decreasing their chances of finding a match and/or marrying. In a different study done in 2016, it was found that children with decreased social-emotional well-being scored worse on cognitive test. In the same study, a relationship was found between poor caregiver health and children’s poor developmental outcomes, meaning that if a parent is forced to raise a child in poverty and has mental health issues, his/her child will suffer for it as well. These children were at a substantially increased risk for expulsion from school, reportedly due to “difficulty regulating their emotions and behavior” (Sharkins 2016). This exemplifies how important of a role cultural and social influences have on a child’s development.

How do all of these developmental changes affect society? Carina Mood did a study in 2015 to find out exactly that. Mood’s initial findings indicated simply that “poor people have weaker social relations, less support, and lover levels of political and civil participation” (Mood 2015). Similarly, those who become impoverished are at an increased risk of weakening social relations and decreasing societal participation, while those who manage to escape poverty have a decreased risk of weakening social relations and decreasing societal participation. This causal relationship implies that “the negative effects of poverty appear to be reversible” (Mood 2015). This means that once an impoverished group’s financial situation improves, their social outcomes also improve. Mood also found that the negative consequences of poverty are significantly lessened for very close relationships, indicating that unconditional love may really sometimes be truly unconditional. The presence of such relationships decreases risks for mental illness as well as social isolation. However, when these relationships are lost, an individual’s social networks become smaller, which creates less contacts of support for them in situations like finding a job. Social isolation like this also has an impact on democracy, as poor people have less influence and less of a voice in society than their wealthier counterparts. Mood concludes that “economic deprivation…is the strongest predictor of social outcomes” (Mood 2015).

There is a light at the end of the tunnel that is poverty. In a testimony, Senior Fellow and Co-Director of the Center on Children and Families Isabel Sawhill states that “reducing poverty requires a focus on what the government needs to do and on what individuals need to do” (Sawhill 2007). Sawhill believes that it is not solely up to the government or the people who are impoverished or wealthy to decrease the poverty rate, but a mix of good policies and intelligent behavior. She argues that it is up to citizens at risk for poverty to make a real effort before the government should step in and be responsible for anything. Said citizens should do everything they can to provide themselves with a good education, they should abstain from having children before they are married (single-parenthood increases the risk for poverty) and financially stable enough to do so, and they should be working a full-time job if possible. These are considered norms in our society that Sawhill argues people should be expected to comply with before the government ensures their financial security. To support this, Sawhill did an analysis that proved that people who comply with these norms are significantly less likely to become impoverished than those who do not. Her next argument is that one of the most effective things our nation could do is to ensure a good education.

Sawhill argues that the best way to “ensure that everyone gets a good education would be to provide very high-quality early education to all children from low-income families” (Sawhill 2015). There is supporting evidence from educational program evaluations and pediatric neuroscience that show that preschool educational experiences have long-lasting effects on a child’s development, meaning it could be the most financially beneficial way for our society to ensure that more kids are successful through their K-12 education. This would provide them with a solid foundation for pursuing post-secondary education after high school and earning more as adults. One proposal suggests that the federal government could match state funding to further the goal of high-quality preschool education being implemented in low-income areas for children one to four years of age. On the topic of having children too early, Sawhill claims the solution is in the ‘nongovernmental sector’, meaning that parents, media, religions, and celebrities should be more mindful of the ideas they discuss and/or endorse, being careful not to promote ‘out-of-wedlock childbearing’.

Most of these teens and very young adults that are having children are not only in the midst of their educational pursuits, but they are not prepared mentally, emotionally, or financially to be good parents to a child. What the government can do is endorse policies that encourage childbearing within the bounds of marriage, and also ensuring that policies benefit those outside of the government who are attempting to battle this situation. Another solution would be work requirements for welfare. It should be required that to receive welfare, an individual should have to be working and earning money in the first place if they are able. The welfare would be in addition to health care, higher minimum wages, and child care support.

In an article in 2014 published by the Center for American Progress, authors Rebecca Vallas and Melissa Boteach propose 10 plausible solutions to help decrease the poverty rate and increase the size of the middle class. The authors begin by highlighting the fact that economic growth over the past couple of decades has gone primarily to the highest-class Americans, leaving the poverty rate the same and the level of low-middle income employment increase at a slim to none rate. This norm has created an enormous inequality that is worse than ever before, however they claim that with policies and investments by the government and citizens alike, the situation can be improved. Economic security can be created, and benefits can be had both immediately and in the long run. The first thing we can do is create jobs.

The government should invest in job creation to create the 5.6 million jobs needed in our country to reach prerecession employment levels. The authors claim the best way to do this is to “build on proven models of subsidized employment to help the long-term unemployed and other disadvantaged workers re-enter the labor force” (Vallas 2014). A second solution would be to raise the minimum wage. States who have raised their minimum wage have seen a notable decrease in poverty, and if the minimum wage of the 1960s had risen with inflation, it would be more than 150% of what it currently is federally. A similar idea would be to increase the earned income tax credit for childless workers. While 6.5 million Americans avoided poverty in 2012 thanks to the EITC, and children who receive is are more likely to graduate high school and pursue post-secondary education, childless workers receive a maximum EITC that is less than one-tenth of that which is received by workers with two children. This increase, combined with an increase in minimum wage, would be incredible beneficial in boosting our economy and diminishing poverty. Another beneficial policy would be to require that companies provide paid family and medical leave and paid sick days. This forces people to sacrifice necessary care for themselves or their families or sacrifice necessary income.

The United States is actually the only developed country without these provisions, even though it is an arguably vital anti-poverty policy. One of the most influential reforms we can make would be of the criminal justice system in order to support re-entry. The United States imprisons a larger percentage of its citizens than any other nation, causing the label of ‘mass incarceration’. The terrible stigma caused by this makes it nearly impossible for anyone with a criminal record to find employment, housing, and even education. More than 9 out of 10 employers report that they use background checks, and even something as inconsequential as an arrest without a conviction can cause an employer to turn an applicant away. What is debatably worse than the stigma is that more than half of U.S. states have a lifetime ban for convicts seeking certain types of public assistance, making it that much harder for them to get back on their feet and try to provide for themselves and their families. It is necessary, to reduce the poverty rate, for our nation to remove barriers and bans for certain individuals, and to stop the epidemic that is mass incarceration.

Feminization Of Poverty

The Role of Gender and Feminism In The Abortion Caravan Movement

Part 1

The struggle to provide clear laws surrounding abortion is an ongoing issue not only in Canada, but all around the world. In Canada, the issue has shifted from whether or not abortion should be legal to whether or not women should be granted the freedom to choose the procedure for reasons other than medical necessity. What instigated this national debate in Canada was the Abortion Caravan movement by seventeen members of the Vancouver Women’s Caucus in 1970 (Rebick, 464). In 1969, when a new law was made to legalize abortion, access was still very restricted in terms of the conditions under which abortions were permissible. This caused women to become very upset, and therefore acted as the catalyst for the Vancouver Women’s Caucus to begin the abortion caravan movement, The movements goal was to change the abortion laws in Canada once again in hopes of all women gaining access to free, unrestricted abortion in Canada (Sethna, Hewitt, 463). Strategies of the movement began with peaceful marches, meetings, and speeches. The movement then progressed to more dynamic protesting efforts that included: Leaving a coffin on the doorstep of Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau’s residence to represent the number of women who had died from illegal abortions (Wells, 0:06-3:54) as well as “about 30 women [who] chained themselves to their chairs in the galleries in the House of Commons, in tribute of the British suffragettes who had chained themselves at Parliament to get the vote a century before” (Rebick, 465).

Part 2

‘Feminism’ is defined as “the theory of the political, economic, and social equality of the sexes” as well as “organized activity on behalf of women’s rights and interests”. Feminism did much more than simply play a role in the visions, strategies, and goals of the movement. The abortion caravan movement seamlessly exemplifies the definition of feminism. The abortion caravan movement tackled an issue that relates to intersectional feminism brought on by the 1969 abortion laws in Canada that “brought inequality of access due to economic disparities among women to the forefront” (Sethna, 29). Gender played an important role in the strategy of the movement by including men in the march on parliament hill. This inclusion may have given women a better chance of achieving the goals of the movement. The feminization of poverty and the gender wage gap are problems that women continue to face which lead to economic disparity for women during the time of the abortion caravan movement.

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These gender targeted issues played a role in the visions, strategies and goals of the movement in that they caused the underlying intersectional issues that inspired movement as a whole.Although the Canadian government legalized abortion in 1969, access remained limited to poor women, especially to women who belonged to other minority groups. This caused a substantial divide between women of different backgrounds. In 1969, abortion became legal only to women who met the health criteria. If a woman did not meet the criteria for a legal abortion in Canada, she would have to find an alternative way to have an abortion. Wealthy women could travel out of Canada to access abortion, whereas less fortunate women did not have this luxury. This often meant that women of other minority groups such as aboriginal women, women of colour, and women with disabilities did not have access to abortion (Sethna, 30). If a woman wished to receive a legal abortion in Canada, A physician had to refer her to a Therapeutic Abortion Committee (tac) based in an accredited hospital.

The committee was composed of three to five doctors, and determined on a case-by-case basis whether the continuation of a woman’s pregnancy would be a threat to her life or to her health, and only after meeting the criteria of the tac could she receive a legal abortion. However, the dilemma was that only 20.1 per cent of hospitals had established tacs, and average wait times for tac approved abortions was eight weeks, making the process time consuming, and still difficult for women to access. This resulted in a major inequality of access by region as well as increased the medical risks associated with late-term abortions (Sethna, 33). Since access to abortion favored the rich, it became a classism issue. Classism is a term used by many theorists writing on intersectionality (Goldman, 43) and is defined as “prejustice against, or in favor of people belonging to a particular social class” (Oxford Dictionary).

The abortion Caravan was a successful movement because it addressed every aspect of the issue by taking into account the intersectional aspect that not all women are the same and cannot be lumped into one category. A woman’s membership of other groups played a crucial part in whether or not she had access to abortion. The Therapeutic abortion Committees would use a woman’s membership of other groups against her when it came to making a final decision as to whether or not she would qualify for an abortion. “A woman’s class, race, age, her marital status, and even the number of children she already had could affect the decision of a tac” (Sethna, 36). Based on this, it is clear how intersectional feminism played a large part in the Abortion caravan movement when the issue became entangled with the problem of classism as well as racism.

The goal of the abortion caravan movement was to ensure that women were made responsible for choosing abortion, not her physician, and to ensure that women of all races, ages and income had access to abortion in Canada. Although the issue directly affects women, “On Friday, May 9th1970, 300 women and men marched on parliament hill as part of the abortion caravan movement” (Rebick, 464). Men’s participation in the movement may have been a key ingredient in the strategy of the movement. Despite Sherene Razack theory that social inequalities are often described, narrated, and taught by the more powerful group, and that this inclusion of the powerful group often fosters more inequality in the end (Razack 23-34), the inclusion of the powerful group played a very important role in the strategy of the abortion caravan movement for many reasons. Women have fought for decades to be included in the socio-economic-political inner circle; they have fought and continue to fight for inclusion and acceptance. Perhaps the only way that women will ever be accepted into the inner circle alongside their male counterparts is to have men fight next to women for women’s rights. The strategy to include men was executed in a way that the men who took part in the movement did not overshadow the women; instead they simply acted as supporting actors next to the directly oppressed women. The strategy to include men in the movement may have benefited the outcome of the movement due to the fact that society is under the control of male-favoring capitalism. According to Goldman in ‘Quiet Rumors: An Anarcha-Feminist Reader’, “ the ultimate endpoint of feminism is anarchism” (Goldman, 14).

Unless capitalism is abolished, and anarchism takes over, the movement’s inclusion of the powerful group is essential in ensuring that the oppressed groups voices will be heard. Unfortunately, when most men hear the word ‘feminism’ they tend to fear it, and hold the belief that me have something to lose by women gaining equality. This misconception is similar to the idea that anarchism is associated with chaos and violence (Goldman, 13). Inclusion of men in the abortion caravan movement acted as a milestone for feminism in trying to breakdown the widespread misconception that feminism is something to fear by men. In addition to intersectional feminism, and the inclusion of men in the movement being key aspects of the movement which contributed to the goals, visions, and strategies of the abortion caravan movement, gender, specifically economic gender inequality played a substantial role in the movement as well. The gender income gap unfortunately caused women to be at a financial disadvantage over a single male of the same race, age, and socio-economic upbringing, which would make it extremely difficult for her to have enough money to travel to receive an abortion. This is especially the case for a woman who did not have financial support from the father of the unborn fetus.

Doris Power, an anti-poverty activist who was pregnant at the time of the abortion caravan movement, stated, ‘We, the poor of Canada, are the dirt shoved under the rug of a vicious economy. In obtaining abortions, we pay a price second to none, our lives. We can’t afford to fly off to England for a safe, legal abortion. We have to seek out the back street butchers” (Sethna, 36). Although Canada is getting closer to closing the gender wage gap, and more women are becoming present in the public sphere and male dominated fields of work than ever before, in 1970, only forty percent of women ages twenty-five to fifty-four worked in paid work, whereas the other sixty percent had no income of their own (Statistics Canada). In the United Stated during the 1960’s, the gender wage gap hovered at around sixty percent of what men made (Carnevale, Smith) and it would be safe to assume that the numbers were not too far off for Canada’s gender wage gap during the 1960’s as well. In addition to women earning less, it continues to be far more expensive to live as a woman than as a man. “After analyzing the prices of almost 800 products across 35 categories, researchers found that the so-called “pink tax” doesn’t just apply to shampoo and razors—women pay more for almost ever product over the course of their lives, from baby clothes to home health care items” (Alter). These are both causes for the feminization of poverty.

The feminization of poverty is the idea that women are more likely to be poor than men, especially in developing wealthy countries (Steven Pressman, 353). The feminization of poverty would have an affect on whether or not a woman could afford to travel out of Canada to receive a legal abortion. If a woman could not receive a legal abortion, as stated previously by Doris Power, her life would be on the line. Women would often “risk going to backstreet abortionists, who were rarely doctors, or… [Would try to] terminate the pregnancy themselves… some desperate women douched with Lysol, threw themselves down stairs, or in the methodology of the Pro-choice movement would insert a coat hanger into their vaginas” (Rebick, 464). These harmful, life-threatening practices were all caused by the feminization of poverty and the restricted access to legal safe abortion in Canada. Despite the success of the movement, laws surrounding abortion continue to be a worldwide political debate, Rebecca Solnit shows how there are individuals who argue against women’s access to abortion even in extreme cases such as rape when she uses the example of Todd Atkin’s famous statement made in 2012, where he stated that “even if a woman is raped, the female body has ways to try to shut the whole thing down” (Solnit, 15).

The abortion caravan movement was a major milestone in the history of women’s rights in Canada where both gender and feminism played key roles in accomplishing the goals, visions, and strategies of the movement. These goals, visions, and strategies were difficult to undertake due to the complexity of the intersectional feminism issues and the feminization of poverty which acted as underlying causes for women’s inability to access safe abortions. These underlying issues were what propelled the Vancouver Women’s Caucus begin the movement, and therefore played major roles in the movement itself. Regardless of the many underlying issues, the goals and visions of the movement were accomplished partially due to the inclusion of the powerful group alongside the women, and women addressing intersectional issues that women of minority groups must face.

Works Cited

  1. Alter, Charlotte. “Women Pay More for Everything Across a Lifetime, Study Sows.”Time, Time, 23 Dec. 2015, time.com/4159973/women-pay-more-everything/.
  2. Carnevale, Anthony, and Nicole Smith. “Gender Discrimination Is at Heart ofWage Gap.” Time, 19 May 2014, time.com/105292/gender-wage-gap/.
  3. “Classism | Definition of Classism in US English by Oxford Dictionaries.” OxfordDictionaries | English, Oxford Dictionaries, en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/us/classism.“Feminism.” Merriam-Webster, Merriam-Webster, www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/feminism
  4. Goldman, Emma. Quiet Rumours: An Anarcha-Feminist Reader. Edited by Dark starCollctive, New Edition ed., AK Press, 2012
  5. Wells, Karin. “The Women Are Coming.” YouTube, CBC/Radio Canada, 24 Mar. 2011,www.youtube.com/watch?v=pq_JZhLT5y8.
  6. Razack, Sherene. Looking White People in the Eye: Gender, Race, and Culture inCourtrooms and Classrooms. University of Toronto Press, 1998.
  7. Rebick, Judy. The Women Are Coming: The Abortion Caravan. Gender and women’s studies in Canada: Critical terrain. Canadian Scholars’ Press, 2013, pp. 464-472. 
  8. Sethna, Christabelle and Steve Hewitt. ‘Clandestine Operations: The Vancouver Women’s Caucus, the Abortion Caravan, and the RCMP.’ Canadian Historical Review, vol. 90, no. 3, Sept. 2009, pp. 463-495. EBSCOhost, ezproxy.okanagan.bc.ca/login?url=https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=65410542&site=eds-live&scope=site.
  9. Sethna, Christabelle, et al. ‘Choice, Interrupted: Travel and Inequality of Access toAbortion Services since the 1960s.’Labour, no. 71, 2013, pp. 29-II, ProQuest, http://ezproxy.okanagan.bc.ca/login?url=https://search-proquest.com.ezproxy.okanagan.bc.ca/docview/1470885437?accountid=28352.
  10. Solnit, Rebecca. Men explain things to me. Haymarket Books, 2015.Statistics Canada. “Chart 1 Participation Rates of People Aged 25 to 54, Canada, 1950 to 2015 Chart 1 Participation Rates of People Aged 25 to 54, Canada, 1950 to 2015.” Government of Canada, Statistics Canada, 8 Mar. 2017, www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/89-503-x/2015001/article/14694/c-g/c-g01-eng.htm.
  11. Steven Pressman. ‘Feminist Explanations for the Feminization of Poverty.’Journal of Economic Issues, no. 2, 2003, p. 353. EBSCOhost, ezproxy.okanagan.bc.ca/login?url=https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=edsjsr&AN=edsjsr.4227898&site=eds-live&scope=site.

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